Post-Production Industry Statistics

Key takeaways

1. The United States had 4,037 private post-production establishments in 2024, employing an annual average of 15,948 people. (BLS QCEW) See details
2. The average post-production establishment shrank from 7.03 employees in 2015 to 3.95 in 2024. (Our calculation from BLS QCEW) See details
3. The number of post-production businesses grew 87.2% between 2015 and 2024 while total employment barely moved. (Our calculation from BLS QCEW) See details
4. In 2024 alone, establishments rose 2.6% while employment fell 8.4%. (BLS QCEW) See details
5. Los Angeles County has a post-production location quotient of 15.38 and holds 44.9% of all U.S. post-production employment. (BLS QCEW; our calculation) See details
6. Special effects artists and animators earn a median of $102,030, well above film and video editors at $75,420. (BLS OEWS, May 2025) See details
7. Sound engineering technicians earn a median of $98,460 inside the screen industry against $73,130 across all industries. (BLS OEWS, May 2025) See details
8. 3,300 of the UK's 3,440 post-production enterprises employ fewer than ten people, and only 5 turn over £50 million or more. (ONS UK Business Counts) See details
9. Employer surveys see only 38.5% of the animators BLS projections count, 19,970 against 51.9 thousand, because the rest are self-employed. (BLS; our calculation) See details
10. 93% of American film and television businesses employ fewer than ten people, according to the industry's own trade association. (Motion Picture Association) See details
11. No statistical agency publishes a global post-production market size; the figures in circulation, such as $37.83 billion, come from resellers that state no method. (Origin trace) See details

How big is the U.S. post-production industry?

In 2024 the United States had 4,037 private establishments in the industry the government calls teleproduction and other postproduction services, and they employed an annual average of 15,948 people (BLS Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages). Those establishments paid $1,804,403,360 in wages over the year.

The federal classification that defines the industry, NAICS 512191, covers establishments "primarily engaged in providing specialized motion picture or video postproduction services, such as editing, film/tape transfers, subtitling, credits, closed captioning, and animation and special effects" (2022 NAICS Manual, published for the Office of Management and Budget by the U.S. Census Bureau). That is the closest thing there is to an official definition of the work.

Pay in the industry runs well above the screen sector around it. Average annual pay was $113,142 in 2024, and the average weekly wage was $2,176. The wider motion picture and video industries group that contains post-production, NAICS 5121, had 35,159 establishments, 356,719 jobs and average annual pay of $89,424 in the same year. Post-production therefore holds 4.5% of the jobs in the wider group while paying 26.5% more per job than the group average (our calculations from the BLS figures above).

One caveat applies to every QCEW figure on this page, and it matters more here than in most industries: the survey counts jobs covered by unemployment insurance at physical worksites. Self-employed editors, sole proprietors with no employees and contractors paid on a 1099 are outside the universe entirely.

Is post-production growing or shrinking?

Both, depending on what you count. The number of post-production businesses has grown almost every year for a decade while the number of people they employ has not moved. Establishments rose 87.2% between 2015 and 2024, from 2,157 to 4,037, but employment over the same decade went from 15,160 to 15,948.

The average post-production establishment has roughly halved in size over the decade. That is the clearest single description of what has happened to this industry, and it is not a one-year artifact: establishments rose while employment fell in 2019, 2023 and 2024. In 2024 alone the industry added 102 establishments, a rise of 2.6%, while shedding 1,461 jobs, a fall of 8.4%. In 2023 it added 309 establishments and lost 1,429 jobs. Back in 2019, before the pandemic and before the 2023 work stoppages, establishments already grew 6.9% while employment slipped 0.8%.

Employment peaked at 18,838 in 2022 and has fallen 15.3% in the two years since (our calculation). The parent industry shows the same divergence: NAICS 5121 added 133 establishments in 2024 while losing 518 jobs, after a 14.6% employment fall in 2023 that was far deeper than post-production's.

Two explanations fit the same data, and the published figures cannot separate them. Either the work is being done by more and smaller firms, or it is moving to self-employed people that QCEW cannot see, or both. Anyone citing this trend should say which reading they mean.

Where is post-production work located?

Post-production is the most geographically concentrated part of the screen industry. Los Angeles County alone employed 7,162 people in post-production in 2024 across 1,287 establishments — 44.9% of all U.S. post-production employment in a single county (our calculation).

Los Angeles County's post-production employment fell 10.1% in 2024. The sharpest measure is the location quotient, which BLS publishes itself: it compares an area's share of employment in an industry with the national share, so 1.00 is the national average. Los Angeles County's post-production employment location quotient is 15.38, meaning the industry is more than fifteen times as concentrated there as it is nationally. New York County (Manhattan) is 6.50, with 1,650 jobs.

Only California, New York and Tennessee are at or above the national average concentration. Georgia, despite its reputation for screen-sector incentives, has a location quotient of 0.63 and 177 post-production jobs in Fulton County. New Jersey had 386 jobs and Cook County, Illinois had 338. New Mexico, another incentive state, had just 29 post-production jobs in 2023, the last year BLS published it.

Average pay varies more than two to one across states. Arizona's post-production establishments paid $59,156 per job in 2024, while Connecticut's paid $135,745 — though Connecticut's average rests on a very small employment base. California paid $127,665 and Los Angeles County $118,291.

The state picture is genuinely incomplete, and the page should say so plainly. BLS withheld 2024 employment and wages for 23 of 52 state-level areas under its disclosure rules, and for 453 of 511 counties. Establishment counts are often still published where employment is withheld: North Carolina shows 74 post-production establishments with its employment suppressed. Suppressed rows print a zero that is not a real value, and no ranking here includes one.

Who works in post-production, and what do they earn?

Film and video editors are the largest post-production occupation BLS measures, at 25,610 wage and salary jobs in May 2025, with a median annual wage of $75,420 and a mean of $86,130. But editors are not the best paid of the post crafts.

The industry premium is uneven, and that is the useful finding. A sound engineering technician's median rises from $73,130 across all industries to $98,460 inside the motion picture and video industries — about a third more. An editor's barely moves, from $75,420 to $79,570. Special effects artists and animators earn the highest median of any post craft at $102,030, with a mean of $112,870; inside the screen industry their mean is $100,450 for sound technicians and $93,720 for editors.

About half of editing work sits inside the screen industry proper: 13,280 of the 25,610 editor jobs are in NAICS 5121, or 51.9% (our calculation). The rest are spread across advertising, education, software and corporate employers.

Los Angeles holds the volume and New York the rate. The Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim metro had 6,010 editor jobs in May 2025, roughly a quarter of the national total, while the New York-Newark-Jersey City metro paid a mean of $110,330.

Looking forward, BLS projects editors to be the only growing post craft: employment of film and video editors is projected to rise 3.7% between 2025 and 2035, while sound engineering technicians fall 3.1% and special effects artists and animators fall 0.3%.

That projection sits alongside falling industry employment, and the two are not in conflict: a projection counts people doing a job wherever they do it, while the QCEW figures earlier on this page count payroll jobs inside one industry code. Editing work can grow across advertising, software and corporate employers while payrolls at dedicated post-production houses shrink. Anyone quoting both should say which they mean.

A trap worth naming, because these two BLS numbers are routinely mixed up: Employment Projections counts 51.9 thousand special effects artists and animators in 2025, while the OEWS survey counts 19,970. OEWS sees 38.5% of the projections total (our calculation). Neither is wrong. OEWS surveys employers and excludes the self-employed; Employment Projections includes them. The gap is a measure of how much of this trade is freelance, and the two series should never be compared as if they counted the same people.

What does post-production look like outside the U.S.?

The United Kingdom keeps a direct equivalent of the U.S. industry code, SIC 59120, so the comparison is unusually clean. In March 2025 the UK had 3,440 post-production enterprises, and in 2024 the industry accounted for 12,000 jobs in Great Britain (ONS UK Business Counts and the Business Register and Employment Survey, both via Nomis).

The UK data shows the fragmentation pattern even more starkly, because ONS publishes the size bands. Of the 3,440 enterprises, 3,300 employ fewer than ten people and only 5 turn over £50 million or more; 1,395 report annual turnover between £100,000 and £249,000. London holds 1,665 of them. The sector grew from 2,365 enterprises in March 2010, a slower expansion than the U.S. saw over a comparable span.

The British Film Institute, which reports on the same sector from company accounts rather than the business register, counted 3,040 UK film, video and television post-production companies in 2021 with combined turnover of £1,673.6 million. Its most useful finding is how concentrated the revenue is: the 55 largest post houses took 62.4% of sector turnover. Post-production made up 17.3% of UK film-industry companies but a far smaller share of its turnover, and generated £860 million of gross value added in 2019. Total UK spend on feature film and high-end television production was £5,640.0 million in 2021.

Australia is the clearest case of post-production operating independently of where a film is shot. Screen Australia reports that post, digital and visual effects work carried out in Australia drew 762 million Australian dollars in 2024/25, of which 510 million came from 118 international titles that had only their PDV work done in Australia and were never shot there. PDV on Australian productions accounted for just 181 million Australian dollars. Post-production is a tradeable export service, and this is the data that shows it.

Canada shows what that trade does to margins. Statistics Canada reports that the country's film, television and video post-production industry generated 2.8 billion Canadian dollars in 2023, with visual effects and animation services accounting for 714.0 million dollars of the growth. Quebec alone took 56.0% of national visual effects and animation revenue. Yet the industry's operating profit margin fell to 8.0% — growth bought at a lower rate of return.

Across the European Union, Eurostat publishes the only official post-production revenue figure this review could find anywhere. Its NACE class J59.12 counted 27,127 post-production enterprises across the 27 member states in 2023, employing 47,039 people and turning over 5,020.94 million euro (Eurostat structural business statistics). That is under two people per enterprise — the same shape the U.S., UK, Australian and Canadian data show. One oddity worth flagging: in 2022 the Netherlands alone registered 5,045 post-production enterprises, more than France or Germany, which is partly an artifact of how readily one-person companies register there.

What do the companies selling into post-production report?

No public company is purely a post-production business, so the industry has to be read indirectly from the filings of the companies that sell tools to it, license technology through it, or buy its output.

On the tools side, Adobe — whose Premiere Pro and After Effects are the industry's default editing and motion software — reported Digital Media segment revenue of $17,649 million in fiscal 2025 against total revenue of $23,769 million, with Digital Media annualized recurring revenue of $19.20 billion. Its subscription revenue from creative and marketing professionals was $16,303 million.

Dolby Laboratories, whose formats are applied during mastering, reported total revenue of $1,349,130 thousand in fiscal 2025, of which $1,248,017 thousand was licensing, and said more than 4,300 Dolby Atmos theatrical titles had been announced or released.

IMAX is the only filer that breaks out a post-production line by name. Its Film Remastering and Distribution revenue was $142,346 thousand in 2025, and IMAX states that its fee in a typical arrangement averages approximately 12.5% of gross box office — post-production priced as a share of the finished film rather than as a project fee. It remastered 126 titles in the year.

On the demand side, Netflix put $17,096,617 thousand into content assets in 2025 and amortized $16,422,166 thousand, of which $7,708,608 thousand related to produced content, against revenue of $45,183,036 thousand and total content obligations of $24,039,228 thousand. Warner Bros. Discovery reported total content amortization of $11,652 million in 2025, with $7,108 million of content expense in its Studios segment and $4,326 million of capitalized production costs.

Stock libraries are the other side of an editor's supply chain. Getty Images reported revenue of $981,290 thousand in 2025 and said it paid more than $220 million in royalties to contributors, who typically receive royalties starting at 20% of the license fee. Its video attachment rate fell to 15.9%. Shutterstock reported revenue of $989,925 thousand and 453.1 million paid downloads.

One correction worth recording, because it is still widely described as pending or complete: the Getty Images and Shutterstock merger did not happen. Shutterstock disclosed that the merger agreement was terminated on July 7, 2026, and both companies have filed separately since.

How much of post-production is being done with AI?

The most substantial measured answer comes from a 2024 study CVL Economics conducted for the Animation Guild, which surveyed business leaders across film, television and animation. It found that 80% of the firms that had already adopted generative AI were using or planning to use it in post-production — the highest share of any stage of the production cycle (CVL Economics, Future Unscripted).

The same study found 37% of respondents expected generative AI to affect compositing work, among the highest shares for any task, and projected that about 21.4% of U.S. film, television and animation jobs were likely to be consolidated, replaced or eliminated by generative AI by 2026. The study was commissioned by a union representing workers whose jobs are the subject of the question, which is worth stating whenever the figure is quoted; it remains the only survey of its kind with a published method.

What the popular post-production numbers really say

Four figures dominate writing about this industry. None of them means what it is usually taken to mean.

"The global post-production market is worth $X billion." No statistical agency anywhere publishes a global post-production market size. Every figure in circulation traces back to subscription market-research resellers, whose estimates for the same year differ by more than fourfold and state no method. One such page projects the market at $37.83 billion in 2025; it publishes no sample, no data source and no definition of what counts as post-production. We record where the number is printed, not evidence that it is right.

"Post-production is 15–30% of a film's budget." This misstates its own source. The Entertainment Partners page it traces to says associated costs "typically eat up between fifteen and thirty percent of a film's total budget" — but that figure covers post-production and distribution together, and is offered as an estimate rather than a measurement.

"Editing takes an hour per finished minute." The most citable statement of this is a University of Florida IFAS Extension publication, which says video editing professionals estimate that one minute of finished video takes at least one hour of editing. It attributes the ratio to unnamed professionals and cites no study, sample or measurement.

"The 60/40 rule." The clearest published statement that 60% of resources should go to production and 40% to post-production is a film-school textbook support article, which presents it as a rule of thumb for how budgets ought to be allocated — not an observation of how they actually are.

What to use instead: the government figures above, and two industry sources that do publish something. The Motion Picture Association, the industry's own trade association, says the American film and television industry comprises more than 162,000 businesses, and that 93% of them employ fewer than ten people — independent corroboration, from a body with every reason to emphasise scale, that this is an industry of very small firms. For measured post-production spending, New York State publishes audited actuals: the $160.3 million that 47 post-production projects spent in the state in the third quarter of 2025, reported by statute before any credit is issued.

How we built this page

We started from the questions people search for about post-production industry statistics and looked for the organization that actually produced each answer. Every figure on this page sits in an evidence ledger with its source, the exact table or paragraph it came from, the measurement period, the population measured, and the date we checked it. This edition holds 146 figures from 21 publishers.

On September 17, 2026, every figure was re-fetched from its original source and matched against the recorded wording: 107 by re-reading the source document and 26 against the BLS public data API. U.S. industry figures come from the BLS Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages open data files for NAICS 512191, read directly rather than through a data viewer. We left out U.S. Census Bureau County Business Patterns and Economic Census figures for the same industry because the Census API now requires a key we do not hold and the bulk files are published only as compressed archives we could not verify line by line. We also left out market-size estimates sold by market-research resellers, except where the page is explicitly showing what those estimates say and why they cannot be checked.

We only cite the producer: government agencies, regulators, company filings and official posts, and the survey owner's own report. We do not cite statistics roundups, Statista-style aggregators, or salary sites without a public method. We did not bypass paywalls or sign-up forms; where a full report was gated, we used only the figures its publisher states publicly.

Figures marked "our calculation" are arithmetic on the cited numbers, and anyone can reproduce them:

This edition contains no Mark Studios customer data.

Limitations

• QCEW cannot see the self-employed. It counts jobs covered by unemployment insurance at physical worksites. Sole proprietors with no employees, freelance editors and contractors paid on a 1099 are outside the universe entirely — and that is the part of this trade most likely to be growing.
• Almost half the state and county detail is withheld. BLS suppressed 2024 employment and wages for 23 of 52 state-level areas and 453 of 511 counties under its disclosure rules. Rankings here cover only the areas with published values, and suppressed rows print a zero that is not a real number.
• OEWS and Employment Projections count different people. OEWS surveys employers and excludes the self-employed; Employment Projections includes them. The two should never be compared as though they measured the same population.
• Industry bodies and vendors are labeled as such. The Motion Picture Association is the film and television industry's own trade association and publishes no method for its business and jobs counts. The generative-AI study was commissioned by a union representing the workers whose jobs it assesses.
• The international figures are comparable in scale, not in definition. U.S. QCEW counts establishments and UI-covered jobs, ONS counts enterprises and rounds its job estimates, and Eurostat counts enterprises and persons employed. They show the same shape; they do not divide into one another cleanly.
• No global post-production market size is published by any statistical agency. The figures in circulation come from subscription resellers whose estimates for the same year differ by more than fourfold.

How to cite this page

For a single figure, cite the original publisher named next to it, and link here if the verification trail is useful to your readers. Each figure has its own anchor, so you can link straight to it, for example https://www.markstudios.com/research/post-production-industry-statistics#DRV-001. To cite the page as a whole:

Mark Studios. "Post-Production Industry Statistics." Last verified Sep 17, 2026. https://www.markstudios.com/research/post-production-industry-statistics

Our calculations and the evidence table are free to reuse with attribution and a link to this page. Each underlying figure remains the claim of its original publisher, and some publishers ask for a link when their figures are reused.

Sources

Download the evidence table (CSV)

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Update policy and change log

We re-verify every figure quarterly and when a major source publishes a new edition. The next scheduled review is December 2026. Corrections go to contact@markstudios.com.

• Sep 17, 2026: First published with 146 figures from 21 publishers, each checked against its original source.